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Beginnings of the Revolution 



IN 



New Hampshire 



Henry M. Baker 






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THE 



BEGINNINGS OF THE 
REVOLUTION 



IN 



NEW HAMPSHIRE 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE NEW HAMPSHIRE SOCIETY OF SONS OF THE 

AMERICAN REVOLUTION IN CONCORD, N. H., 

JULY 9, 1903 



HENRY M. BAKER 

PRESIDENT OF THE SOCIETY 



CONCORD, N. H. 

RUMFORD PRINTING COMPANY 

1903 



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Author. 

(PofMIl). 

l2Ja '04 



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THE BEGINNINGS OF THE REVOLUTION 
IN NEW HAMPSHIRE. 



Compatriots , Ladies and Gejitlenien : 

At the close of the French and Indian War England had no more 
loyal colony than New Hampshire. In proportion to her population 
and resources no colony had rendered the mother country more effi- 
cient service. Her yeomen were skilled in all the essentials of fron- 
tier life. They were self-reliant, patriotic, and self-sacrificing. They 
were accustomed to the harsh climate of northern New England and 
the demands of a winter dominating nearly half of the year. By 
incessant toil they won subsistence from an ungenerous and exacting 
soil. They knew how to hunt the wild beasts of the forest, and how 
to defend themselves against the attacks of the relentless red man. 
There was no titled nobility among them, living upon inherited estates, 
but those of every class and condition felt the necessity of personal 
service as a condition precedent to the confidence and esteem of 
their fellow-citizens. Helpful service was universal. Neither women 
or half-grown children were exceptions. TJie whole community was 
active, and each in his own way, according to his capacity, contrib- 
uted to the general prosperity of the colony. Peace having come, 
and with it immunity from Indian raids, so that the husbandman 
could work in safety, contentment and aspiration filled the hearts of 
our ancestors, and New Hampshire made rapid strides in population 
and wealth. 

All the New England colonies were prosperous and loyal. Each 
had been granted a share in its government, the popular branch of 
its legislature, under the designation of " the assembly," being elected 
by the people. All grants of money for public uses received the sanc- 
tion of the assembly, and generally such grants originated with the 
representatives of the people. Thus the colonists had been educated 
to believe that they controlled their own purse strings, and that their 
consent v/as essential to lawful taxation. 



4 

The wars in which England had been engaged had left her deeply 
in debt, and king and ministry were in doubt how to raise the money 
of which the government had sore need. The prosperity and increas- 
ing wealth of the colonies were well known in the mother country. 
The king regarded the colonists as subjects without home rights or 
privileges, but under his absolute control, and in duty bound to help 
the parent country as and when required. His ideas of their obliga- 
tions and duties were not limited by their claims to the rights inherent 
in Englishmen under Magna Charta or otherwise. He entertained 
no doubt that his will and the needs of the kingdom, as decided by 
the ministry, were mandatory and final. 

On the other hand, the colonists insisted that they were English- 
men, and that they had neither yielded or lost any of their rights as 
such by settlement in America ; that at home no tax could be levied 
or collected but in pursuance of the act or consent of the house of 
commons, in which all resident Englishmen were directly or indirectly 
represented ; that, as neither the king nor parliament had provided 
such representation for them, they could not be taxed lawfully against 
their will, and that, as taxation without representation is tyranny, 
they could not, as self-respecting Englishmen, consent to it. Between 
vassalage and representative government there is a great gulf fixed. 
On the one side are the standards of power and prerogative, on the 
other the banners of liberty and law. Hence the differences which 
separated the king and the colonists were based upon principles for 
which each contended as a matter of right. The people could not 
yield and preserve their manhood and integrity as Englishmen. The 
king regarded them as rebels denying him his rightful authority. 

There seems to have been no earnest attempt to meet the issue by 
granting colonial representation, or by compromise measures or agree- 
ments which should be beneficial to king and people. In England 
the king and ministry held the enactments of parliament concerning 
the colonies as conclusive and final. During all the discussions in 
parliament no authoritative assurance was given that England would 
abandon its purpose to tax America. The necessity for the revenue 
such taxation was expected to produce was uniformly asserted by 
those in power. The right of parliament to tax the colonists seems 
not to have been doubted by king or ministry. 

The Americans hoped against hope, and were loath to believe that 
England could persist in taxation without granting representation. 
So, when parliament levied duties upon their imports and restricted 
their trade with the West Indies, they not only refrained from such 



)^ 



trade but intentionally neglected to trade with England, and satisfac- 
torily met the issue by non-importation and non-consumption agree- 
ments among themselves. 

There was much discussion in parliament upon the advisability of 
enacting a Stamp Act for America, the minority opposing it being 
active and outspoken. The substance of the argument for and against 
it was well known to the colonists. The feeling of resentment and 
bitterness engendered by the act in restraint of trade was increased by 
the expressions of hostility in parliament while the Stamp Act was 
under consideration. So the colonists were in no pleasant mood for 
the reception of the Stamp Act when the news of its enactment was 
received, and the determination to resist its enforcement was practi- 
cally universal. 

In England taxation by stamps was regarded with much favor 
because it involved slight expense, required few officers, and "exe- 
cuted itself," as, by the terms of the Stamp Act, the proceedings of 
the courts and in public offices, and the business transactions of indi- 
viduals, would not be legal without the statutory stamps. It never 
occurred to the ministry that the colonial courts and people would so 
universally repudiate them that no one would dare to question the 
invalidity of unstamped legal or business papers. That result as- 
tounded king and ministry and the whole English nation. The 
Stamp Act became operative on the first day of November, 1765. 
T/te New Hampshire Gazette, printed then, as now, at Portsmouth, 
appeared the evening before in black. Quite a company of men from 
the country marched toward Portsmouth to prevent the use of the 
stamps, and dispersed only when duly informed that none would be 
used. 

George Meserve of Portsmouth, son of the colonel who died at 
Louisbourg, was in England when the act was passed, and received 
the appointment of stamp agent for New Hampshire. His coming to 
execute his office was carefully watched, and before he was permitted 
to land he was compelled to resign his commission and to take an 
oath that he would neither directly or indirectly attempt to execute 
his office. The stamps intended for New Hampshire were shipped to 
Boston without being landed. No other attempt was made to force 
the stamps upon our people. The committee of Portsmouth voted 
that Meserve was "an enemy to the liberties of America." Subse- 
quently he petitioned the assembly for compensation for the injuries 
he claimed to have suffered. The committee of the assembly, in 
reporting upon his request, said he had suffered no real damage either 



6 

in person or property, and that when any danger had been expected 
guards had been appointed to protect him. His petition was dis- 
missed. 

Parliament repealed the Stamp Act on the i8th day of March, 1766. 
It had been operative less than five months, and had yielded no rev- 
enue. Every attempt to collect revenue from the colonies had been 
frustrated. Had England sought peace with her colonies, and offered 
them representation in parliament, the conflict would have ended, for 
the colonies were anxious for reconciliation. 

With the repeal of the Stamp Act the secretary of state of Great 
Britain sent a circular letter to the colonies in which he enlarged upon 
"the lenity and tenderness, the moderation and forbearance of par- 
liament toward the colonies," and reminded them of their duty to 
show " respectful gratitude and cheerful obedience " in consideration 
of such a " signal display of indulgence and affection." 

This letter was placed before the assembly by Governor Wentworth 
with conservative and conciliatory statements. 

The people were wild with joy. They felt relieved from an unjust 
burden, and again trusted that the hope of their hearts for self-taxa- 
tion had been recognized and would be realized, but the more thought- 
ful were troubled by the assertion of parliament that it had the right 
and power " to bind America in all cases whatsoever," and by the 
fact that the resolves of the colonial assemblies denying the right of 
parliament to tax the colonies, and asserting their sole right to tax 
themselves, had been annulled. The wiser of the patriots were appre- 
hensive that parliament, as well as the king, was hostile, and that the 
repeal of the Stamp Act was a political act not based upon principle 
but policy, and that it would be followed by other orders and enact- 
ments equally burdensome and quite as subversive of the principles 
for which they were contending. 

While the popular mind was tending toward rejoicing, and hope 
was slowly taking the place of fear. Gov. Benning Wentworth was 
permitted to resign and John Wentworth was appointed governor. 
Like his uncle and predecessor he was born in Portsmouth, and knew 
the needs and wishes of the people. He was deservedly popular, and 
by example and patronage fostered education, agriculture, and the 
varied interests of the colony. He was popular at home and in Eng- 
land. The Lords of Trade said of him that since his appointment the 
colony had been in a state of peace and prosperity, and its commerce 
extended and increased. He was energetic and courteous, and the 
people contrasted with favor his official bearing with that of the gov- 



ernors of other colonies. The success of his early administration, 
combined with his personal popularity, turned the minds of many, 
where all desired peace and loyalty, from public affairs to local im- 
provements. So when parliament renewed its efforts to enforce taxa- 
tion without representation, and imposed duties on paper, glass, paint- 
ers' colors, and tea, our people were slow to evince open hostility or 
to become excited over the new assault upon their liberties. Many of 
the rich and influential families of Portsmouth counseled moderation, 
and opposed non-importation agreements, but when the other colo- 
nies took decided action in opposition to the new taxes New Hamp- 
shire joined them. Soon the agreements became popular, and were a 
test of loyalty to home government in home affairs. The opposition 
to the new tax was not as noisy as it had been to the Stamp Act, but 
it was better organized and more universal in the different colo- 
nies. The agreements were so well kept that the manufacturers 
in Great Britain found their market seriously endangered, and urged 
the repeal of the new law. This was done except as to tea. With 
this repeal came a relaxation of the opposition, and again the colo- 
nists hoped there would be no further repressive legislation and that 
peace and goodwill would prevail. But the duty on tea remained and 
became the rock upon which the ship of state foundered. 

When Governor Wentworth asked the assembly for a stated and 
liberal salary there was much delay in granting it, as some feared the 
tax on tea was in some unexplained way connected with the expenses 
of the colonies for the salaries of officers of the crown. Hence the 
assembly refused to make provision for the governor's salary and 
house rent beyond one year at a time. 

The non-importation agreements had had their effect. The ware- 
houses of the East India Company were filled with tea for which there 
was no market. The plans of the ministry and the company had 
failed. Therefore a new scheme was adopted. Parliament removed 
the duty on the exportation of tea, and authorized the company to 
ship it to America upon payment of a duty of only threepence per 
pound. This would enable the company to sell tea in America 
cheaper than ever before, and it was hoped that the decrease in price 
would overcome the objections of the colonists. The result was unex- 
pected. The colonists were filled with distrust and alarm, for they 
recognized that the new legislation was an attempt to outwit them 
and to bribe them to consume tea upon which duty had been paid. 
The right for which parliament contended was hostile to the principle 
which they asserted. One or the other must fail. The price of the 



8 . 

tea was immaterial. The principle involved was essential, and would 
determine the fate of nations. A crisis was at hand. The virtue 
and integrity of the people and the right of self-government were 
involved. The people met the issue grandly. As if by a common 
instinct all classes refused the bribe. The prudence and popularity of 
Governor Wentworth could not withstand the people's censure of the 
home government. The endeavor to accomplish by indirect means 
that which had failed by direct enactment aroused and consolidated 
whatever of the spirit of liberty had remained dormant. The people 
had determined not to raise revenue for the support of a government 
in which they could not participate. Therefore they would not buy 
tea at any price. Governor Wentworth wrote the Earl of Dartmouth 
under date of August 29, 1774: "The inhabitants have now almost 
universally discontinued the use of Bohea tea, and I apprehend will 
entirely within three months of this date." The non-importation and 
non-consumption agreements were faithfully kept. There were two 
attempts to land tea at Portsmouth. The first importation, consist- 
ing of twenty-seven chests, had been landed and stored in the custom 
house before the people knew such action was intended. The people 
met in town-meeting and required its consignee to reship it to Halifax. 
This was peacefully done. When, less than three months later, the 
second cargo of thirty chests arrived, consigned to the same party, 
much greater excitement prevailed ; the windows of his house were 
broken, and he was compelled to send it to Halifax by the ship in 
which it was brought. Thus ended the final attempt to force taxed 
tea upon our people. Day by day they became more excited and 
determined. Committees were appointed to prevent future importa- 
tions, and to arouse and consolidate public sentiment against the hos- 
tile acts of the British ministry. They were faithful and successful. 
The situation became more alarming each day. It soon became cer- 
tain that the king was determined to execute the acts of parliament 
imposing taxes upon America. Boston was selected as an example. 
Its port was closed to commerce and guarded by ships of war. A 
military governor ruled the town, and a large garrison was quartered 
upon its citizens. Business was suspended, and the poor suifered for 
food. The soldiery was insolent, and a conflict seemed inevitable. 
I New Hampshire sympathized with her brethren in Massachusetts 
land sent them help and food. A common cause and a common dan- 
'ger united the people closer than ever before. They remembered the 
congress that had met in Albany in 1754 to consider matters of 
importance to the several colonies, and the more frequent meetings in 



9 

New England of committees representing the people, and thought the 
times demanded consultation and combined action. So, when the 
legislature met in the spring of 1774, the house of representatives of 
New Hampshire appointed a committee to correspond with like com- 
mittees of other colonies relative to the proper course to be pursued to 
maintain the rights they claimed as Englishmen, and to secure united 
action to resist any attempt to enforce the laws they regarded as 
unjust and oppressive. 

Governor Wentworth used his influence to prevent that action, and, 
when it was accomplished, adjourned the assembly, and soon after 
dissolved it. The representatives, upon a summons by the commit- 
tee, met in their hall, and the governor, attended by the sheriff, 
appeared. The representatives rose at his entrance. He addressed 
them, saying their meeting was illegal, and ordered the sheriff to 
direct all persons to disperse and keep the king's peace, and the 
sheriff made that proclamation. They then retired, and the repre- 
sentatives resumed their session, but upon discussion of the situation 
adjourned to another place. There they wrote letters to the several 
towns in the province asking them to send delegates to a convention 
to assemble at Exeter July 21, 1774, to choose delegates to a general 
congress to meet in Philadelphia on the 5 th of September, and to 
send in their share, according to the tax rate, of two hundred pounds 
to pay the expenses of the delegates to be elected. They also recom- 
mended a day of fasting and prayer which was generally observed. 

Eighty-five delegates met and elected John Sullivan and Nathaniel 
Folsom to the continental congress. They also expressed their sym- 
pathy with their distressed brethren in Boston, and recommended the 
towns to send relief. 

Governor Wentworth endeavored to preserve the semblance of royal 
authority, but saw, with great anxiety, his influence with the people 
steadily decrease. They had committed no violence or outrage and 
the local laws were respected, but it was evident that loyalty to the 
crown was fast disappearing. He wrote, " Our hemisphere threatens 
a hurricane. I have in vain strove, almost to death, to prevent it. If 
I can at last bring out of it safety to my country and honor to my sov- 
ereign, my labors will be joyful." His fears were realized, and he 
himself unintentionally, probably, added to the excitement and oppo- 
sition of the hour. General Gage decided to erect barracks in Boston 
to shield his troops during the approaching New England winter. 
The carpenters of Boston refused to build them, and were sustained 
in their refusal by public opinion. General Gage then appealed to 



10 

the governors of the neighboring provinces to send him the necessary 
workmen. Governor Wentworth committed the error of employing a 
person to secretly secure the desired mechanics. His action soon 
became known to the committee of Portsmouth, who, without men- 
tioning the governor's name, censured him " as an enemy to the com- 
munity," and the men who had consented to go as " unworthy of 
society." His agent was compelled to confess his error and to ask 
pardon for his misbehavior. 

Colonel Folsom and Major Sullivan attended the congress at Phila- 
delphia and were prominent in its deliberations. Its proceedings 
were dignified and firm, yet peaceful. Everywhere in the colonies this 
congress was approved, and no colony was better satisfied than New 
Hampshire. She heartily welcomed her delegates upon their return. 
The people stood firm in maintenance of the patriotic principles 
asserted by them, and the feeling that liberty must be preserved at all 
hazards, even by revolution, was universal. All recognized that the 
then existing condition of affairs could not be maintained and that 
bloodshed might soon follow. 

No one desired to be disloyal to Great Britain, but all claimed the 
privileges and immunities they beheved were the birthright of English- 
men. They did not love loyalty less but liberty more. Their duty was 
plain, and they were ready to meet the issue when it should come. They 
did not have long to wait. An order had been passed by the king in 
council prohibiting the importation of powder, military stores, and sup- 
plies to America, thus plainly showing his distrust of the colonists and 
his determination to prevent them from securing the means of self- 
defence. The news of this order was brought to the committee at 
Portsmouth on the 13th of December, 1774, by Paul Revere, who was 
sent by the committee at Boston. Nothing had transpired before 
which so alarmed the colonists. It had been rumored at Portsmouth 
for several days that a ship-of-war would soon bring reinforcements to 
Fort William and Mary. Unless the British government was intent 
upon coercing the colonists there could be no necessity for reinforcing 
the fort or depriving them of powder and arms. 

The committee was confronted by a grave and critical condition of 
public affairs. It met as soon as possible, and after due deliberation 
decided upon an attack upon the fort the next day, and the seizure of 
the powder known to be stored there. That night and early the next 
day the proposed attack was confided only to those known to be in 
hearty sympathy with the committee of safety, but by noon all attempt 
at secrecy was abandoned. Drums were beaten, fifes played, and men 



11 

marched and countermarched in the streets openly proclaiming their 
purpose. 

Governor Wentvvorth was powerless, but ordered the chief justice of 
the province to proclaim to the people that an attack upon the fort 
would be rebeUion and treason against the king. This proclamation 
seems to have had little or no effect, for soon after it was made some 
four hundred men under the leadership of John Langdon, in broad 
daylight marched to the fort, and, though fired upon by its small gar- 
rison, overpowered them, detained them as prisoners in their own fort, 
and hauled down the king's colors. They captured 103 barrels of 
powder, with which they returned to Portsmouth, and that evening 
sent it with a letter signed by John Langdon to Major Sullivan at Dur- 
ham for safe keeping. 

The next day, Thursday the 15th, as soon as the news of the assault 
upon the fort reached them, men from the adjoining towns hastened 
into Portsmouth. Among the first to arrive was Major Sullivan with 
some two score men from Durham. Soon a meeting was held and a 
committee chosen, of which Sullivan was one, to visit the governor 
and ask him if he had sent for any reinforcements, or if he expected 
any troops or ships to arrive at Portsmouth. He spoke earnestly of 
the grave offense which had been committed the night before, assured 
them he could not promise pardon to any engaged in the assault upon 
the fort, but sagaciously added that if the powder was returned that 
act would be regarded as "an alleviation of the offence," and closed 
by asserting that he knew of neither troops or ships coming into the 
province. The people, these assurances being reported to them, ap- 
peared to be satisfied, and many returned to their homes, but Sullivan, 
with a sufficient number of men, remained, and at night again captured 
the fort and took away fifteen 4-pounders, one 9-pounder, all the small 
arms, and a quantity of shot. 

At noon of the day following the first assault the governor had 
ordered the commanding officers of the militia " to enlist or impress 
thirty effective men to serve His Majesty as a guard and protection to 
his Fort William and Mary." They made return that night that they 
had paraded the streets, had drums beaten and proclamation made, 
but that no person appeared to enlist. He had done all he could to 
protect the fort and the honor of his sovereign, but was powerless. 

On Friday, the i6th of the month. Colonel Folsom arrived with «'a 
great number of armed men " from Exeter,- and assisted in removing 
the captured cannon and shot to a place of safety. 

Thus it appears that both of our delegates to the first continental 



12 

congress were personally connected with the capture of the military 
stores from the fort, and hence were the first of these delegates to 
actually bear arms against the king. 

That the assault and capture of Fort William and Mary, the hauling 
down of the British flag, and the removal of the powder, cannon, and 
arms therefrom was the first deliberate overt act of hostility to the king 
in the Revolution is too well known and authenticated to need proof. 
It was not an act in defense of an attack, but was itself an attack made 
by men who knew the nature and effect of their conduct and did not 
shrink from its consequences. They felt that their necessities were 
great, and that the time and occasion demanded heroic action. Sub- 
sequent events fully justified them. The prompt and decisive way in 
which they responded to the first indication that the mother country 
had decided to diminish, possibly to destroy, their capacity to defend 
themselves is one of the notable events in the history of liberty. We 
cannot tell its story too often or commend it too much. 

A few days later His Majesty's ships Canceaiix and Scarborough ar- 
rived off Portsmouth from Boston with about one hundred soldiers for 
the double purpose of dismantling the fort and threatening the people. 
The Scarborough soon detained two vessels laden with provisions, and 
took them to Boston against the advice of the governor and the remon- 
strances of the people. Their cargoes were retained for the use of the 
troops. 

When this became known at Portsmouth a party of armed men 
captured the battery on Jerry's point and removed 8 cannon of 24 and 
32-pound calibre. These cannon were subsequently mounted in Forts 
Washington and Sullivan for the defense of Portsmouth. 

The second provincial congress met at Exeter on the 25 th of Janu- 
ary, 1775, and elected John Sullivan and John Langdon delegates to 
the continental congress, and provided ^250 to pay their expenses. 

An address to the people was issued, and a letter sent to Governor 
Wentworth as follows : 

" Governor Gage, in a letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated 27th 
January, 1775, informed the British Ministry that your Excellency, 
had applied to him for two regiments of the British troops, to be sta- 
tioned at Portsmouth : and as it evidently appears, at this alarming 
period, that the British troops are ministerial tools sent to America to 
endeavor to enforce unconstitutional and tyrannical Acts of the British 
Parliament by fire, sword and famine, and as we humbly conceive it 
is your Excellency's duty in your political capacity, to guard and 
defend the lives, liberty and properties of the inhabitants of this 



13 

Province, your Excellency's sending for troops to destroy the lives, 
liberties and properties you have 'solemnly engaged to defend and pro- 
tect conveys to our minds such shocking ideas, that we shall rejoice 
to find what is represented to be fact in said letter, to be farce. But 
as we have such information, duty to ourselves and constituents, 
obliges us humbly to desire your Excellency to give us such evidence 
as will enable us to know and inform our constituents what to 
expect." 

A committee on correspondence was elected, with power to call 
another congress when necessary. 

The winter passed in doubt and anxiety, with no practical results. 
Boston had been garrisoned with officers and men who despised the 
provincials, who, in turn, regarded the troops as enemies. Those of 
the citizens who could do so abandoned the city and found homes in 
the country. Wherever they went they told a story of scorn, insult, 
and oppression, which kept the people in bitterness toward the Eng- 
lish. 

With the early spring came ships from England bearing word that 
the petition of congress had been favorably received by the king, and 
that the merchants of England were favorable to the American cause. 
A ray of hope revived the colonists and relieved the gloom which had 
so long overshadowed them. It was of short duration, for soon later 
and more reliable despatches informed them parliament had voted 
that Massachusetts was in rebellion, and that the other colonies were 
aiding her ; that the lords and commons had addressed the king, 
assuring him of their support and asking him to enforce their revenue 
laws upon the colonists ; that the king was increasing his forces by 
sea and land ; that troops of all kinds had been ordered to America ; 
that the commerce of New England was to be further restricted and 
various prohibitive orders issued. The colonists were in despair, and 
abandoned all hope of peace with honor and safety. A resort to 
arms appeared inevitable, and they began to prepare for the conflict. 

The third provincial congress met at Exeter on the 2ist of April, 
1775, wit^"* 6^ delegates in attendance. This congress approved of 
the capture of Fort William and Mary and the battery at Jerry's 
point, and passed votes of thanks to those who had secured the pow- 
der and guns from them. It also expressed the wish of the people to 
the members of the state assembly which had been convened by the 
governor. 

Meanwhile American affairs had absorbed much of the time and 
attention of the British parliament. On the 20th of February, 1775, 
Lord North arose in his place and said in part : 



14 

"To be explicit, then, as to my own opinion, I must say, that if the 
dispute in which the Americans have engaged goes to the whole of our 
authority, we can enter into no negotiation, we can meet no compro- 
mise. If it be only as to the suspension of the exercise of our right, 
or as to the mode of laying and raising taxes for a contribution 
towards the common defense, I think it would be just, it would be 
wise to meet any fair proposition, which may come in an authentic 
way from any Province or Colony : and on this ground it is that I 
shall propose to the Committee the following Resolution : 

" ' That it is the opinion of this Committee, that when the Gover- 
nor, Council and Assembly or General Court of any of His Majesty's 
Provinces or Colonies in America, shall propose to make provision, 
according to the condition, circumstances and situation of such 
Province or Colony, for contributing their proportion to the common 
defence (such proportion to be raised under the authority of the Gen- 
eral Court or General Assembly of such Province or Colony and dis- 
posable by Parliament), and shall engage to make provision also for 
the support of the Civil Government, and the administration of justice 
in such Province or Colony, it will be proper, if such proposal shall 
be approved by His Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament, and 
for so long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear, 
in respect of such Province or Colony, to levy any Duty, Tax or 
Assessment, or to impose any further Duty, Tax or Assess- 
ment, except only such Duties as it may be expedient to con- 
tinue to levy or to impose for the regulation of commerce ; the nett 
produce of the Duties last mentioned to be carried to the account of 
such Province or Colony respectively.' " 

It was the evident purpose of Lord North, and of parliament in 
adopting his resolutions, to encourage the loyalty of those in America 
who had sustained its enactments and the acts of George the Third, 
and, if possible, to divide and weaken the patriots. The resolutions 
were heralded by those in authority as a proposition for home rule, 
and in themselves presented some plausible suggestions upon which 
compromise seemed possible. But when Lord North's speech intro- 
ducing the resolutions was received, and it became known, also, that 
the British troops were to remain, and those who had been prominent 
in the patriot cause were to be punished, the colonists had every rea- 
son to continue to believe parliament hostile to them. 

Governor Wentworth endeavored to the last, to use his own words, 
'« to plant the root of peace in New Hampshire." As soon as he had 
received an official copy of the resolutions he summoned a new assem- 



15 

bly of the colony to meet at Portsmouth May 4th, 1775, but made the 
grave error of including in the writs of election three new towns, 
which he hoped would send members favorable to his purpose, and 
neglected to authorize elections in older towns of greater population. 

In his speech at the opening of the assembly the governor addressed 
them as " the only legal and constitutional representatives of the peo- 
ple," and urged them to "an affectionate reconciliation with the 
Mother country." The house shrewdly asked time for consultation 
with their constituents, and the governor reluctantly adjourned them 
until the 12th of the next month. When the assembly reconvened 
according to adjournment the governor spoke in behalf of reconcilia- 
tion, and again advised the acceptance of the propositions contained 
in the resolutions of Lord North. In its reply to the governor's speech 
the house asserted its desire for reconciliation and peace "upon a just, 
solid, and permanent basis," and added, "But we are apprehensive 
the settlement of the present distressing difficulties is an object of such 
magnitude, and a matter of such general concernment to all the Col- 
onies, as far exceeds our circumscribed power and influence." The 
house then proceeded to expel the three members from the new towns, 
whereupon the governor adjourned the assembly to the nth day of 
July- 
One of the expelled members very injudiciously expressed himself 
upon the street in Portsmouth quite freely in hostility to the house 
and people, and was assaulted by the patriots, whereupon he took 
refuge in the governor's house. The people demanded him from the 
governor and were refused. They then brought a mounted gun to his 
door and renewed their demand, when he was surrendered and taken 
to Exeter. The governor was indignant at the insult he had received, 
and retired to the fort, from which, in July, he sent a message to the 
assembly adjourning it to the 28th of September, and soon after sailed 
to Boston, where he remained until September, when he came to the 
Isles of Shoals, staying only long enough to issue a proclamation 
adjourning the assembly to April of the next year. This was his last 
act as governor, and with it kingly power ceased in New Hampshire. 
Meanwhile, events had transpired which made reconciliation, or 
compromise, impossible. The expedition ordered by General Gage to 
capture and destroy the military stores and supplies of the colonists at 
Concord, and the conflicts with the patriots at Lexington and Con- 
cord, the spontaneous uprising of the people in all the colonies, the 
investment of Boston, and the battle at Bunker hill followed in quick 
succession. The liberties of the people were in the keeping of the god 
of battles. 



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